https://doi.org/10.37955/cs.v6i3.275
Received June 14, 2021 / Approved October, 23 2021 Pages: 1-16
eISSN: 2600-5743
Social Bonding in Times of Protests:
some sociological - epistemological
notes.
Vinculación social en época de protestas: algunos apuntes
sociológicos epistemológicos
Ruben Aroca Jácome
PhD, Profesor Investigador, Carrera de Sociología, Facultad de Jurisprudencia
Universidad de Guayaquil, ruben.arocaj@ug.edu.ec
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6179-085X
ABSTRACT
The origin of questions and answers about social initiation do not
always come from the same source: that is, social science. The
purposes of this reflection consist in the selection of initial questions
for social thought and the possible forms of their answers. An
examination of four epistemological currents of sociology is carried
out in the perspective of determining: object, scope of research,
method and type of resulting data. It is proposed as a problem the need
to determine the attitude to be assumed in front of the existence of
being. If theory assumes the answer to this problem, it implies the
systematization of knowledge about existence and admits the
possibility of considering it as a system or, at least, in a systematic way.
We consider, on the contrary, that not the entire framework of the
subject's existence is limited to society, that the existential place is
broad and resists positive theorization in general. a) For certain
dimensions of the real, we formulate the option of dispensing with the
systemic as an ontological condition. However, for others, we choose
to sustain it. b) When in societal phenomena, one event has the same
probability of appearing as another, the result is disorganization.
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RESUMEN
El origen de las preguntas y las respuestas sobre el inicio social, no
siempre provienen de la misma fuente: es decir, la ciencia social. Los
propósitos de esta reflexión consisten en la selección de preguntas
iniciales para el pensamiento social y las formas posibles de sus
respuestas. Se realiza un examen de cuatro corrientes epistemológicas
de la sociología en la perspectiva de determinar: objeto, alcance de la
investigación, método y tipo de datos resultantes. Se propone como
problema la necesidad de determinar la actitud a asumir frente a la
existencia del ser. Si la teoría asume la respuesta por dicho problema,
ello implica la sistematización del conocimiento sobre la existencia y
admitir la posibilidad de considerarla como un sistema o, al menos, de
modo sistemático. Consideramos, por el contrario, que no todo el
marco de la existencia del sujeto se limita a la sociedad, que el lugar
existencial es amplio y se resiste a la teorización positiva en general. a)
Para ciertas dimensiones de lo real, formulamos la opción de
prescindir de lo sistémico como condición ontológica. No obstante,
para otras, escogemos sostenerla. b) Cuando en fenómenos de
sociedad, un evento tiene la misma probabilidad de aparecer que otro,
la resultante es la desorganización.
Keywords / Palabras clave
social initiation, epistemology, sociology
inicio social, epistemología, sociología
Introduction
It can be argued that both sociology and the Social and Cultural
Sciences, in general, emerge from a "second wave" of scientific thought
at the beginning of the 19th century, however, trying to be fair, we
should not fail to highlight the vastness of approaches and treatments
of problems that we could consider as "strictly social", from Plato and
Aristotle to Montesquieu. The importance of this momentum, as an
initial stage, we maintain, lies in at least two factors: The formulation
of specific epistemological solutions for the Social Sciences and a
process of theoretical-methodological systematization that took
conceptual achievements from other sciences (specifically, from
nomothetic sciences), adapting them, transforming them and, to a
certain extent, turning them into key axes of analysis.
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An intensive process of delimitation of objects of study that, evidently,
was finding, little by little, precise questions that implied a framing
and constant search for reflections in a sense. Efforts such as the
starting questions formulated by Simmel (how is society possible?),
faced a multi-generational enterprise whose modern and
contemporary approaches could no longer, therefore, take different
paths. (Marina & Mosquera, 2020)
It is necessary to recognize that the starting questions have been
constructed, at times, as references to problems formulated by
philosophy (Fuenzalida et al., 2020). For example, Parsons'
approaches sought to orient his theoretical development to the
resolution of the "problem of order formulated by Hobbes", a question
that inevitably led him to the individual-society relationship. A similar
reflection can be made in relation to Marx's attempted response (the
subject as Homo Faber), whose direct reference was Feuerbach's
philosophical anthropology.
The concept Verstehen evolved from a philosophical notion to a
technical term when Weber included it among the fundamental
elements of sociological methodology, while referring its definition
both to the work of Jaspers (General Psychopathology) and to that of
Rickert (Limits of the conceptual formation of the natural sciences).
(Viniegra Velázquez, 2016) Thus, the origin of the questions and, at
least partially, of the answers, do not always come from the same
source: that is, science. However, we are left with no doubt that, as a
result of the above, the beginning of the social as scientific thought
involves answering several questions that revolve around the same
purpose, which, however, does not imply that we will always respond
from the same place.
Materials and Methods
Part of the purpose of this reflection consists in the selection of initial
questions for social thought, on the one hand, and the possible forms
of their answers, on the other. We want to argue at the outset that, just
as the origins of the key questions may come from non-scientific areas
(such as metaphysics), the answers may also suffer from such
symptoms. As working fields or problem areas, we have identified the
following:
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Epistemologies of social production;
The form of data and the forms of epistemologies;
Epistemologies and the times.
Results
The first problem to formulate is the common idea that society is
composed of individuals. When sociology tried to define its object of
study, in its early days, it formulated this problem and tried to distance
itself from the idea of society made up of men (Macassi, 2016)
The idea of a society not made up of human beings has always caused
strong resistance, regardless of the era in which it was put forward. We
would like to argue that the preconceptions that impede a necessary
understanding of this principle constitute an epistemological obstacle
Moreira, (2002) insofar as, if human beings are considered as part of
Society, social differentiation is, in reality, the differentiation of
human beings.
In other words, people would be divided, objectively, into ethnicities,
classes, nations, etc., seriously contradicting the principles of
humanism in general (Prieto Parra, 2018, p. 45)
Within this framework, we understand that the pretension of
systematicity or holism of the theory is not attractive either. In other
words, and without pretending to take the question for granted, we
propose as a problem the need to determine the attitude, in terms of
knowledge, to be assumed in the face of the existence of being. If the
theory assumes the answer to this problem, this implies the
systematization of knowledge about existence (object) and, in this
sense, admitting the possibility of considering it as a system or, at least,
in a systematic way.
We consider, therefore, that not the entire framework of the subject's
existence is limited to society, that the existential place is broad and
resists positive theorization in general. Therefore, we start by founding
a place in which the answers to this dimension cannot be offered from
social theory and we accept, instead, the possibility of philosophical
knowledge.
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For certain dimensions of the real, we formulate the option of
dispensing with the systemic as an ontological condition. However, for
others, we choose to sustain it. From his reflections on social
organization, Keck & Saldívar, (2016) categorically affirmed that
systems exist. He clarified that this was not the commonplace of
confusion between propositions and their own objects, but rather that
the concept system means, therefore, something that really is a system,
and that consequently assumes the responsibility of verifying its
propositions with reality.
From this point, we argue that the starting point for thinking society is
its ontological validation: society exists and exists as a system. We
choose for this case (arbitrarily?), social theory considering that it can,
given the condition of the object, give an adequate account of the
description of the social system and its level of complexity, and we will
try to justify our choice. We could, for this purpose, go back to
Simmel's old question.
The delimitation of the object appeared to be necessary, and for this it
would be necessary to distinguish the social from that which could
cease to be considered as such. Thus, recognizing the social implied
acting in accordance with an imperative whose essential character was
always of a moral nature. If I do not submit to the conventions of the
world, if in dressing I do not take into account the customs in force in
my country and in my class, the laughter I provoke, the distance in
which I am kept, produce, although in a more attenuated form, the
same effects as a punishment in the strict sense of the word.
However, the external character of society in relation to the individual
did not omit the necessity to separate the ontological sense in which
the physical world has an existence independent of the cognizing
subject and can causally influence his behavior, from the coercive
properties of social organization (kamlot, 2017). This leads, according
to Giddens, to the determination of the normative character of the
social world as an essential difference from the world of nature.
In Parsons, the notion of "value" represents a significant role in his
"frame of reference of action" because it links introjected values and,
by way of normative role expectations, at the level of the social system.
Thus, the concept "value" would be related to the Durkheimian idea of
moral imperative, and the value frame of reference assumes a
condition external to the individual (Luna Morales et al., 2013)
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Social initiation, a basic understanding for bonding, would be marked
in the relationship between the individual and certain units of social
systems (O’Shea-Cuevas et al., 2015). The first of these is the social act,
performed by an actor and oriented towards one or more actors, as
objects. The second is the status-role, as an organized subsystem of
acts. The third is the actor himself, as a social unit; the organized
system of all his statuses and roles, as a social object and as the author
of a system of role activities. The result of these delimitations consists
in admitting as social only a certain state of affairs whose production
is absolutely social.
In this sense, it is considered, inversely to what is argued by
(Jaramillo) 2021that not all social factum is determined by society,
which implies the negation of the category of totality. We assume here
the criterion held that things are related to each other in a thousand
ways, but there is no relation that encloses them all, there is no being
that contains all the others.
Thus, it is necessary to argue that society does not operate as a giant
objective structure that no one has ever seen, nor are they properly
objects that are located in a specific place. Rather, society consists of a
set of relational and communication processes that subjects can
distinguish, but these distinctions are real and produce real effects.
From a certain perspective, if we think of processes determined by
their specific type of operations we can arrive at the idea that society is
composed of social systems (such as the system of science) that link
proper operations with proper operations. (Arnold & Osorio, 1998).
Thus, it is possible to argue that linkage is a process of mediation
between individuals and systems.
The form of data and the forms of epistemology.
The second problem to be formulated consists in the relationship
between the form assumed by the data according to their epistemic
foundation. We would like to argue at the outset that, at least as far as
sociology is concerned, they come from elaborations that take as their
starting point the work of Durkheim, Marx, Weber or Simmel, and
Luhman, or that promote relations between one or the other.
As argued above, the object of sociology in Durkheim is configured as
an external condition or nature of social facts that act coercively, and
in a moral sense, on individuals. On the other hand, this mode of
approach makes it possible to treat social phenomena as data and to
consider it as the starting point of research.
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In Marx, the Hegelian idea of production, in its broadened meaning,
and the notion of homo faber of Feuerbach's philosophical
anthropology (Acosta, 2014) tend to configure the object "relations of
production" that makes possible the development of research on the
historical relations of subjectivity and objectivity of social existence.
In Weber, social reality is cultural and the individual event is contained
in the classical notion of action, which makes a certain behavior
correspond to a "sense" that cannot be subjected to observation and
initiates in the individual, where it becomes necessary to determine
those aspects of particular phenomena related to ideas of cultural
value.
For Simmel only the reciprocal interactions between individuals can
be called society, resulting in the logical distinction between individual
and social phenomena, a distinction which, to be useful for sociology,
should strip the facts of their particular content and rather situate their
"social forms" (e.g., the distinction between hunger and the social rules
of eating) as the object. Generally speaking, what is central here would
consist in the study of pure forms of socialization.
Thus, we observe that the Durkheimian matrix lines emphasize society
as a condition external to the individual and in a process of observation
devoid of individual realities; the Marxist matrix lines suppose a
historicity of the social conditioned by the relations of (social)
production, which is what would constitute the essence of the social;
and the Weberian-Simmelian lines situate the beginning of the social
in the individual subject and in his interactions with other individuals,
so that society is the aggregation of interactions.
In the case of the Arnold & Osorio, (1998) approach, it could be
considered that the society system has capacities to establish
relationships with itself and to differentiate the relationships with its
environment.
In addition, it would include that the social system perceives itself as a
self-organized set of validated (observable) functions of multiple types,
to which processes of different character and level are articulated.
Thirdly, it would indicate that these functions would be determined by
the needs of the system itself (internal needs) and by exchanges with
the environments.
On the other hand, Luhman's systems theory does not boast of
reflecting the social in its complete reality, nor does it claim to exhaust
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all the possibilities of knowledge of such reality, nor does it even claim
to be the only true one. It only declares that it can treat the totality of
the social with the same set of concepts and, with this, it also implies
self-reference because the theory would not be universal if it could not
also account for itself as a social phenomenon (Luhmann, 1987: 163-
165). Finally, it is necessary to point out:
Any systemic-theoretical analysis has to be the difference between
system and environment.
Systems are oriented towards their environment and could not survive
without it.
To differentiate themselves from their environment, they use
boundaries that do not break their interdependence.
In the field of social systems both system and environment are always
involved, for the simple fact that without psychic systems
consciousness there is hardly any communication.
What sociology would do, and does, has its supports in these great
matrices. This does not imply that they appear in a "pure" state and
produce specific theory for each epistemological line; what we observe
are theoretical developments that appear to be produced by the
interweaving of referents. For example, starting from Marx's concept
of "class", Dahrendorf incorporated Weber's conception of "types of
domination"; he was thus able to understand formal organizations as
composed of groups whose interests are determined by the structure
of domination itself, generating in turn the concepts of "latent
interests" and "manifest interests".
Something similar can be argued in relation to Parsons' use of
Durkheim's notion of "anomie" in the framework of the development
of the theory of "social action" of Weberian origin.
It is necessary to point out at least one aspect of the problem of data:
without a setting, without a background and without indications of
their origin, it is impossible to know their statistical validity. On the
other hand, in literature or in narrative, the focus of attention is almost
always on the individuals and not on the analysis, the arguments and
the measurements: that is, it is almost always concrete and rarely
abstract. Such an approach is necessary to correct the inordinate
abstraction and keep statistics within the human perspective.
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Table 1Epistemological matrices. Own elaboration.
In the previous sections we have attempted to outline some answers
(very limited and hurried, by the way) to extremely complex problems,
in the perspective of constructing a theoretical framework from which
to start what could be called "linkage with society". We have tried to
leave the final sections to formulate the problem of the present,
without excluding the need to understand these processes within or in
relation to their corresponding social systems. For the purposes of this
paper, we shall attempt a specific delimitation for these actions, which
we understand to be situated at the meeting points between
individuals and social systems.
Marxist
matrix
Weberian
matrix
Luhmanian
Matrix
Object
Production
relationships
Meaningful
behavior that
produces
individual and
social action.
System and
environment
Scope of the
investigation
Historical
interconnectio
ns of
subjectivity
and objectivity
Meaning of
the social
action that a
subject or
subjects link
to their
actions.
System
Composition
Composition
of the
environment
Method
Representation
of the concrete
By means of
subtle
abstractions to
reach simpler
determinations
Construction
of the totality
with multiple
determinations
and
relationships.
Interpretation
of evidence of
sense-making,
rational or
endopathic
understanding
Type
construction
Specific or
typical causal
interpretation
Complexity of
the
environment
greater than
the system
System
complexity is a
simplification
The system
consists of
communicatio
ns
Types of data
Social events
grouped
according to
their status in
social
production
Social
interactions
grouped into
types of social
actions.
Observation of
social
communicatio
ns
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Every bonding process starts from an object-problem that requires
specialized mediation. This requires both the inclusion of continuity-
stability and risk-crisis perspectives. On the other hand, in a way, in a
scheme similar to that of, as well as other dimensions of the social, we
maintain that the central task of the processes of linkage consists in
finding and articulating connections between social systems, the
subject and the historical processes that put them in communication.
This presupposes, however, a reflection on this object-problem.
Parsons' resolution of the problem of order takes into account the
existence of tensions and conflicts in social life that derive from three
possible sets of circumstances, each of which is centered, in a sense, on
the notion of:
a) Absence of mandatory value criteria in some sphere of social life;
b) Lack of articulation between needs dispositions and a given value
orientation pattern;
c) Elements or conditions of the action, as perceived by the plaintiff,
are erroneously specified.
The Parsonian approach to the problem of order presupposes a
permanent tension in the individual-society relationship, so that
actions would be oriented towards the construction of a possible and
socially admissible order. This approach can be complemented with
Habermas' notion of consensus. On the other hand, such a state can be
achieved in language, whose telos is understanding. Agreement
between people can be reached through argumentation, but there is no
true agreement if one imposes itself on another. If what is pursued is
success, then strategic action is derived therefrom.
In other words, whether it is a matter of misalignments in value
imperatives (anomie), consensus building or strategic action, these
dimensions would constitute the reality of the field of professional
actions which, in turn, implies a process of mediation between the
subject and an object-problem of the social, and would integrate a
specific way of approaching tensions, needs or conflicts at that level.
Hardt and Negri, with reference to the dawn of modernity, observed
that Hobbes' work defines two of the dimensions to be assumed as
projects of society:
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In contrast to the above, and probably because of the very condition of
development of social science, from Nietzsche onwards philosophy
devoted its efforts especially to the critique of the epoch and the
condition of anguish of the individual, leaving the project of society as
a task to be assumed by sociology, economics and political science. For
philosophy, apparently, it was more important to understand the
foundations and essences of modernity, as well as to ring the bell of
the advent of the new epoch, than to produce a framework from which
the social sciences could direct their work.
Thus, the vacuum created gave room for evaluations based on the
reification of trade relations, which Beck called the metaphysics of the
world market. (1998). As Luhman argues, the vacuum produced by the
expiration of the old legitimizing narratives has not been adequately
replaced to this day. (1996).
Globalization is a network of states where sovereignty is both
questioned and affirmed. Questioned, because no state action can
claim to be determined in an absolute manner, not even in the case of
the most powerful states. Affirmed, because without state
permissiveness, globalization is not viable.
In this sense, it is possible to sustain two trends:
The trend towards a global political order constituted by a
networked power whose nodes are nation-states, supranational
institutions, capitalist corporations and other powers.
A form of order exercised through new mechanisms of constant
control and conflict.
One of the ideas that enters into crisis at the confluence of the factors
noted above refers to the concept of "space": that is, the territorial
conception of society. This leads to the need to think of certain
processes in a kind of continuum or flow, where the power of control
and protest circulate, as well as their narratives, in the manner of
communications. It is not that this is intended to produce points
(events, facts, phenomena) without space; what is proposed is that this
criterion is not applicable to society.
Hardt and Negri called the networked protest "multitude",
understanding that it develops not in the terrain of national space, but
in that of biopolitics and producing, in turn, new subjectivities and
forms of life.
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The aesthetics, as well as its digital translation, reduces or
produces an "adequate" simplification of the protest, at least in
two dimensions:
Narrative, where all the plots are related in the same story,
regardless of the origin of the story;
Moral, as a form of treatment and resolution of the singularities
of meaning.
The role of digital media in both processes is significant. In the first
place, the narrative produced gives rise to a kind of semantization of
the protest of the multitude, where the local sense tends to be
transformed into a network narrative. On the other hand, since Hume
argued about the effects of distance or proximity on morality: digital
media act on perception producing symbolic proximity that also
implies moral proximity. According to the above, protest flows, their
narrative, become both a principle of meaning and intelligibility.
Conclusions
In the preceding paragraphs we have tried to sketch out some very
hurried answers to extremely complex problems, but we have tried to
leave a final space to formulate the problem of the place of bonding,
while still understanding these actions as being understood within
corresponding social systems.
For the purposes of this paper, we will seek a specific delimitation for
these actions, which we understand to be located at the meeting points
between individuals and social systems.
Parsons' resolution of the problem of order takes into account the
existence of tensions and conflicts in social life that derive from three
possible sets of circumstances, each of which is centered, in a sense, on
the notion of Anomie.
a) absence of binding value criteria in some sphere of social life;
b) lack of articulation between needs dispositions and a given value
orientation pattern;
c) Elements or conditions of the action, as perceived by the plaintiff,
are erroneously specified.
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The Parsonian approach to the problem of order presupposes a
permanent tension in the individual-society relationship, so that
actions would be oriented towards the construction of a possible and
socially admissible order. This approach can be complemented with
Habermas' notion of . On the other hand, such a state can be achieved
in language, whose telos is understanding. Agreement between people
can be reached through argumentation, but there is no true agreement
if one imposes itself on another. If what is pursued is success, then
strategic action follows.
In other words, whether it is a matter of misalignments in value
imperatives (anomie), consensus building or strategic action, these
dimensions would constitute the reality of the field of professional
actions which, in turn, implies a process of mediation between the
subject and an object-problem of the social, and would integrate a
specific way of approaching tensions, needs or conflicts at that level.
We argue that, unlike in other epochs, for contemporary philosophy it
was apparently more important to understand the foundations and
essences of modernity, as well as to ring the bell of the advent of the
new epoch, rather than to produce a framework from which the social
sciences could direct their work. Thus, the vacuum created gave room
for evaluations based on the reification of commercial relations, which
has been termed the metaphysics of the world market.
Social science, in particular sociology, consists of observations: they
are systems observing within the social system. Observational
possibilities are of three kinds:
Environment
Self-observation
Other systems
Observation is, in this sense, of second order: observation of
observation. This observation is a scheme of distinction, where the
first distinction is the blind spot from which the observation is made.
In terms of theoretical reflection, one of the notions that becomes
insufficient for the understanding of contemporary protest refers to
the concept of "space" which implies, in turn, the territorial conception
of society. The critique of this conception leads to the need to think of
certain processes in a kind of continuum or flow, where the power of
control and protest, as well as their narratives, circulate in their
sphere.
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When we speak of "protest" we speak of society and the unresolved or
unaddressed complexities of social systems. Protest" is such because
its functionality is uncertain. Protest is a societal phenomenon: it is
not of an individual character and, like the treatment of systems
towards their environment (object), it simplifies the operations of the
particular by bringing them all to the plane of unaddressed aspects of
complexity. From the point of view strictly of the production of
society, observation and protest are phenomena of society itself that
belong to different spheres. From the theoretical point of view,
observation and protest are "events" into which science must enter its
differentiations, which give rise to research topics.
When, in societal phenomena, one event has the same probability of
appearing as another, the resultant is disorganization. If protest has
the same probability as consensus, then any kind of order is more
improbable. Protest is entropy. The role of digital media, in both
processes, is significant. In the first place, the narrative produced gives
rise to a kind of semantization of crowd protest, where local meaning
tends to link to a networked narrative. On the other hand, since the
philosophy of the seventeenth century, it was argued about the effects
that distance or proximity produced on morality (Hume)Digital media
act on perception by producing symbolic proximity, which also implies
moral proximity. In this way, protest flows, their narrative, become
both a principle of meaning and of intelligibility, of community.
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