https://doi.org/10.37955/cs.v6i3.278
Received June 30, 2022 / Approved December, 16 2022 Pages: 40-53
eISSN: 2600-5743
Freedom of expression in electoral
processes A question of limitation
of rights or self-limitation of
freedom of expression?
La libertad de expresión en los procesos electorales ¿Una
cuestión de limitación de derechos o autolimitación de la
libertad de expresión?
José Rolando Cardenas Gonzales
Master in Parliamentary Law, Elections and Legislative Studies. Undergraduate professor
at Universidad Tecnológica del Perú.
joscarde@ucm.es
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8141-9086
ABSTRACT
The main objective of this paper is to analyze some problematic issues
related to freedom of expression in the electoral process, and it is that,
based on a statement made by a Peruvian presidential candidate in a
media outlet, in which he questioned the effectiveness of a type of
vaccine acquired to control the infection and death due to the Covid19
pandemic, thus affecting the vaccination process established by the
Peruvian government, led us to question whether in a context like this,
freedom of expression should be limited or whether it is a matter of
self-limitation, thus affecting the vaccination process established by
the Peruvian Government, led us to question whether in a context such
as this, freedom of expression should be limited or whether it is a
matter of self-limitation, especially if it is a public person who intends
to occupy the highest position in the State. This leads us to a weighing
of fundamental rights and collective constitutional purposes such as
national security and public order, which will explain the need to adopt
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limiting measures to guarantee peace and social tranquility in a
democratic State under the rule of law.
RESUMEN
El presente trabajo tiene como principal objetivo, el análisis de algunas
cuestiones problemáticas entorno a la libertad de expresión en proceso
electoral, y es que, a partir de una declaración de un candidato
presidencial de Perú, en un medio de comunicación, en la que se
cuestionada la efectividad de un tipo de vacuna adquirida para
controlar el contagio y muerte por la pandemia de la Covid19, afectando
así, el proceso de vacunación instaurado por el Gobierno peruano, nos
llevó a cuestionarnos, si en un contexto como éste, la libertad de
expresión debe ser limitada o si resulta ser una cuestión de
autolimitación, máxime si se trata de una persona pública que
pretende ocupar el más alto cargo del Estado. Llevándonos a un
terreno de ponderación entre derechos fundamentales y fines
constitucionales colectivos como seguridad nacional y el orden
público, que bien explicará, la necesidad de adoptar medidas
limitativas para garantizar, en un Estado democrático de derecho, la
paz y la tranquilidad social.
Keywords / Palabras clave
Freedom of expression, electoral process, fundamental rights, national
security, public order.
Libertad de expresión, proceso electoral, derechos fundamentales,
seguridad nacional, orden público.
Introduction
Evidently, to speak of freedom of expression involves a great problem
given the wide range of situations in which it may come into conflict
with other rights, one of them being the freedom of opinion of those
candidates immersed in an electoral process, where winning the
greatest number of votes prevails over any other interest, to such an
extent that no consideration is given to the detriment that may be
caused by this excessive freedom which, in an effort to avoid the
antipathy of voters, outlines fanciful speeches, magical stories and
novelistic tragedies.
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However, this freedom of expression that involves personal free will,
in addition to finding a limit in the respect for other rights, in a context
of pandemic, has collided in an even more dangerous border, which
can lead to social exacerbation, if the results of an assertion made in
an environment such as these are not calculated with prudence, which
will not find justification in the scope of the right to freedom of
expression.
Thus, for our analysis, we will take into consideration what happened
in Peru, in a small but not unimportant interview with the presidential
candidate Rafael Lopez Aliaga of the political party Renovación
Popular, in a television program "Combutters" by journalist Phillip
Butters, in which the referred candidate without the slightest
prudence, under the arguments of the effectiveness of the vaccine
against the Sinopharm coronavirus in Peru of 11.5%, pointed out that
"11% is like putting on water", questioning without any foresight, the
actions of the Peruvian government.
In this context, it is worth asking ourselves whether, under the
protection of the right to freedom of expression, any person, and with
greater reason, a presidential candidate, can assert arguments that are
not within his scope of proof, or is it that the media where such
assertions are made, must previously grid and modulate the content of
what will be presented to the population, and if doing so would not be
violating the right to freedom of expression of said candidate.
Thus, this paper will attempt to unravel the questions raised, but not
before conducting a brief study of the scope and limits of the right to
freedom of expression, in order to determine the practical impact of
this right in a democratic state. However, we will include a variant, the
exercise of freedom of opinion in an electoral process, in order to
determine whether or not it conflicts with other rights; and if in a
context of pandemic, this freedom should be further restricted.
Our research should be qualified by some of the pronouncements of
regional courts for the protection of human rights, such as the Inter-
American Court of Human Rights (IACHR) and the European Court of
Human Rights (ECHR), regarding the essential content of the right to
freedom of expression, and its scope as a means to guarantee the
enjoyment of other fundamental rights and thus find a balance
between its exercise and limitation.
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Materials and Methods
Although the origins of freedom of expression can be traced back to
the Enlightenment in the 18th century, when the concepts of
individual rights and the creation of the first constitutional
instruments, such as the Constitution of the United States in 1787 and
the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789,
were born, it seems that the effective birth of the right to freedom of
expression took place after the Second World War, when it became a
universal right, with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of
December 1948; It seems that the effective birth of the right to freedom
of expression took its course after the Second World War, when it
became a universal right, with the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights of December 10, 1948, stating in its Article 19° that: "Everyone
has the right to freedom of opinion and expression."
Thus, freedom of expression is the cornerstone of the very existence of
a democratic society. It is indispensable for the formation of public
opinion. Therefore, it is possible to affirm that a society that is not well
informed is not fully free. (García & Gonza, 2007) . Thus, the Peruvian
Constitutional Court has stated that freedom of expression "refers to
the ability to receive the personal views of the issuer, which, as they
are opinionated, require a basic character of congruence between what
is sought to indicate and what is finally publicly stated" (STC Exp. No.
226262, 2007). (STC Exp. N°2262-2004-HT/TC, F.J. 13).
In the same sense, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has
established the relevance of freedom of expression in a democratic
society: it is its sustenance and effect, an instrument for its exercise, a
guarantee of its performance. There is an evident relationship between
the deployment of expression and the enjoyment of freedom. These
concepts inform various international human rights instruments, at
both the universal and regional levels. The democratic public order
therefore calls for the defense of freedom of expression. The Court's
jurisdiction serves this, within its sphere of competence (Ushakova,
2020).
Likewise, the IACHR in Advisory Opinion 05/85 pointed out the
existence of a necessary relationship between democracy and freedom
of expression in the following terms: freedom of expression is a
fundamental element on which the existence of a democratic society is
based. It is indispensable for the formation of public opinion. It is also
a conditio sine qua non for political parties, trade unions, scientific and
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cultural societies and, in general, for those who wish to influence the
community to develop fully. It is, finally, a condition for the
community, when exercising its choices, to be sufficiently informed
(Bedriñana, 2015).
Results
On the other hand, with regard to the scope of freedom of expression,
it must be analyzed within the scope of its individual and social
dimension, as Sergio García Ramírez would point out (2007)who,
interpreting Article 13 of the American Convention on Human Rights,
has pointed out that:
The individual dimension, which ensures the possibility of using any
suitable means to disseminate one's own thought and bring it to the
knowledge of others. The potential or actual receivers of the message
have, in turn, the right to receive it: a right that concretizes the social
dimension of freedom of expression. Both dimensions must be
protected simultaneously. Each acquires meaning and fullness in
function of the other (p.18).
In this sense, as we can see, the effective exercise of freedom of
expression is closely and directly linked to democracy as an effective
mechanism for social participation, this being the means for the
acquisition of information, training and support for their freedom of
public opinion, two phases clearly necessary for the enjoyment of their
freedom in a constitutional state of law, in which the protection of
fundamental rights must be ensured.
Electoral process and freedom of expression
As has been pointed out, freedom of expression is the cornerstone of
democracy, since it allows the development of tolerance, pluralism,
but also the supervision and control over transcendent aspects of
public life: political, electoral, judicial processes of public importance
and foreign policy; therefore, taking into account that an electoral
process is one of the manifestations of democracy, freedom of
expression must be guaranteed in each of its stages for the
optimization of citizens' awareness prior to the exercise of their free
vote (Muñoz, 2014).
In this context, it is worth saying that the scope of protection of
freedom of expression will guarantee the actions not only of the voters
but also of the candidates involved in an electoral process, who on the
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basis of their constitutionally protected rights will put forward more
than one proposal, qualification or opinion that will always be subject
to criticism in the public eye, both by the media and the voters, who
will always remain, to a certain extent, expectant to each of their
arguments in order to refine their choices between one candidate or
another.
Political discourse therefore becomes fundamental in a democratic
society, since the functioning of the mechanisms of representation and
the conduct of democratic elections will depend on it. (Mathieu-Mohin
and Clerfayt v. Belgium, para. 47).Therefore, it is thanks to the free
expression of political opinions that citizens are able to comment on
political leaders and parties and make conscious decisions as to whom
to support, making it indisputable that "the exercise of political rights
and freedom of thought and expression are intimately linked and
mutually reinforcing" (Case of Ricardo Canese v. Paraguay, para.
47).(Case of Ricardo Canese v. Paraguay, para. 90)..
Considering the fundamental value of freedom of political expression
in political pluralism and democracy, the role of the press (and of the
media in general) in the dissemination of political opinions, as well as
in the exchange of information between political leaders and society,
is of vital importance. This has been pointed out by the European
Court of Human Rights, in its judgment in the Castells v. Spain Case
(1992), when it stated that it (the press) "enables everyone to
participate in the free political debate which is the very essence of the
concept of a democratic society." (para. 43).
1. Freedom of opinion as a manifestation of freedom of expression in
an electoral context
In the words of the Andean Commission of Jurists (Andean
Commission of Jurists, 1999)freedom of opinion can be understood as:
The faculty that every person has to adopt and maintain his
convictions and beliefs on aspects of any nature, whether political,
philosophical, religious, etc. The opinion, when formed and
maintained in the internal forum of each person, becomes inaccessible
to others and causes the right in question to be absolute and unlimited
(...) Once the opinion leaves the forum of the person, and is made
known to others, no one can be a victim of any kind of aggression or
violation of their fundamental rights for having certain ideas (pp. 24-
25).
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From the foregoing, it can be inferred that, in international law or the
plurality of constitutions, it is expressly stated that no one may be
harassed or persecuted on account of his ideas or opinions, nor
discriminated against on account of them, and this is also the
understanding of Ernesto Villanueva (Villanueva, 1997)(Villanueva,
1997), pointing out that freedom of expression, "has as its object
thoughts, ideas and opinions, a broad concept within which beliefs and
value judgments must also be included" (p.16).
In contrast to the Spanish Constitution, the Peruvian Magna Carta, in
its Article 2, paragraph 4, states that everyone has the right "to
freedom of information, opinion, expression and dissemination of
thought through the oral or written word or image, by any means of
social communication, without prior authorization or censorship or
any impediment (...)", making a certain distinction between freedom
of opinion and freedom of expression.)", making a certain distinction
between freedom of opinion and freedom of expression; however, if we
review the Spanish law we can see that in relation to this right, in
Article 20, it is certainly more detailed and specified, clearly
distinguishing between freedom of opinion and the right to
communicate and receive truthful information.
We can then affirm that freedom of opinion is presented as a way of
exercising the right to freedom of expression in any context, whether
electoral or of any other nature, in which citizens -candidates- may
freely express their own ideas, which may not necessarily coincide with
a common public sense or ideology, but that on the basis of such
discrepancies, within democratic canons, deliberation will be
encouraged as the best mechanism for exercising and respecting the
right to freedom of expression.
Thus, when referring to the aforementioned interview of a presidential
candidate in a mass media, at first glance, we could accept that the
content of his statements and allegations, whatever they may be, are
within the scope of his exercise of freedom of expression in the form of
free opinion, however, as we will see in the following section, this
freedom must be limited within the constitutional parameters of
safeguarding fundamental rights, national security and public order,
values to which he is also bound, not only as a candidate for the
presidency, but also as a candidate for the supreme office of the
presidency, as we will see in the following section, this freedom must
be limited within the constitutional parameters of safeguarding
fundamental rights, national security and public order, values to which
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he also owes, not only as an aspirant to the supreme political
representation of the State, but also as a citizen respectful of peace and
social tranquility.
2. Limits and restrictions on freedom of expression
As has been pointed out, although freedom of expression is a
fundamental right, as a manifestation of thought, it is not absolute and
therefore finds necessary limits to safeguard equally important
demands, such as the honor and reputation of others or the security of
the State (Zagrebelsky, 2020, p. 519)..
The European Court of Human Rights, as well as the Inter-American
Court of Human Rights have heard on more than one occasion cases
associated with the violation of the right to freedom of expression that,
having come into conflict with other rights, mainly related to honor
and privacy, the latter have been superimposed on the privileged
position of freedom of expression, making it clear that rights, however
absolute they are created, may present exceptions, i.e., limits or
restrictions to their exercise.
Now, when we talk about the limits to the right to freedom of
expression, it should be specified that these should be established to
the extent possible so as not to affect the hard and intangible core of
the right, to avoid transgressing as much as possible, and it is also
necessary to determine in each specific case whether or not such
restriction is necessary, Thus, although we cannot create a predictable
rule for all cases, we avoid the abuse of the right, since for the
particular case, we must necessarily carry out a proportionality
analysis of the facts and circumstances in order to evaluate the
rationality and reasonableness of the restrictive measure or measures.
However, according to the international legal system, both for
countries subject to the jurisdiction of the American and European
Convention on Human Rights, states are legally entitled to exercise
their power to limit and prohibit certain conducts to the full enjoyment
of the right to Freedom of Expression, for which it is required that such
measures must be expressly established by law and be necessary to
ensure: i) Respect for the rights or reputation of others; or, ii) The
protection of national security, public order, or public health or
morals
1
.
1
Article 13, paragraph 2 of the American Convention on Human Rights.
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In the same sense, the American Convention on Human Rights has
been precise in pointing out that the right to liberty will be defeated in
the face of particular circumstances, such as those indicated in
paragraphs 4 and 5 of its Article 13°, highlighting that:
4. Public entertainment may be subject by law to prior censorship for
the sole purpose of regulating access to them for the protection of the
morals of children and adolescents (...).
5. Any propaganda for war and any advocacy of national, racial, or
religious hatred that constitute incitements to violence or any similar
unlawful action against any person or group of persons on any grounds
including race, color, religion, language, or national origin shall be
prohibited by law.
For its part, the European Convention on Human Rights has stated
that interference with the exercise of freedom of expression is
permissible only if it is "prescribed by law", "pursues a lawful aim",
and "is necessary in a democratic society" (Atienza, 2007, p.68).
(Atienza, 2007, p.68).(Atienza, 2007, p.68), in accordance with the
provisions of Article 10, paragraph 2 of the same Convention, which
states:
2. The exercise of these freedoms, which carry with them duties and
responsibilities, may be subject to such formalities, conditions,
restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in
a democratic society in the interests of national security, territorial
integrity or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for
the protection of health or morals, for the protection of the reputation
or rights of others, for preventing the disclosure of confidential
information, or for ensuring the authority and impartiality of the
judiciary.
Thus, it is clear that interference with the right to freedom of
expression is exceptional, but such exceptionality must be previously
established by law, always obeying the protection and guarantee of
equally safeguarded constitutional values, in that sense, when we are
facing an electoral contest, as Sergio García Ramírez and Alejandra
Gonza would say (2007) :
Freedom of thought and expression in its two dimensions constitutes
a fundamental bastion for the debate during the electoral process,
since it becomes an essential tool for the formation of the voters' public
opinion, strengthens the political contest between the different
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candidates and parties that participate in the elections and becomes
an authentic instrument of analysis of the political platforms proposed
by the different candidates, which allows for greater transparency and
control of the future authorities and their management (p.48).
On the other hand, it should be noted that the European Court of
Human Rights has delimited the restrictions that are applicable when
the object of the expression refers to a private individual and, on the
other hand, when it refers to a public person such as, for example, a
politician; stating:
The limits of acceptable criticism are, therefore, wider with respect to
a politician than in the case of a private individual. Unlike the latter,
he inevitably and consciously opens himself up to rigorous scrutiny of
all his words and deeds by journalists and public opinion and,
consequently, must demonstrate a greater degree of tolerance.
Undoubtedly, Article 10, paragraph 2 (art. 10-2) allows for the
protection of the reputation of others - i.e. of all persons - and this
protection also covers politicians, even when they are not acting in a
private capacity, but in such cases the requirements of such protection
have to be weighed against the interests of open debate on political
issues. (Case of Dichand and others vs. Austria, note 91, para. 39; Case
of Lingens v. Austria, note 91, para. 42).
As it has been said, in order to feel present the democracy of a country,
it is convenient to observe if it guarantees or has implemented means
for the exercise of freedom of expression, which in an electoral context
will be framed -in one of its assumptions- in the freedom of the press,
who play a preponderant role in the political debate, radio and
television, and now social networks have become the media par
excellence for the transmission of political messages, Given the
technological developments, it is almost impossible to think that any
person has not heard any of the proposals of a candidate, authority or
any other person, which has led to the restrictions mentioned above to
be seen as invisible milestones, since it is increasingly complicated to
control the information that enters or leaves each of the media.
However, the very important role played by information
dissemination channels cannot be denied, as recognized by the ECtHR
in the case of Jersild v. Denmark (1994). (1994)where it stated that:
"the transmission of news (...) is one of the most important means by
which the press can perform its role as a public watchdog (...) the
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press's contribution to the debate on matters of general interest"
(paragraph 35).
!
Conclusions
As we have been able to appreciate, although the right to freedom of
expression is mainly shown in preferential order when it conflicts with
other rights, it is not an absolute right at all, and may be subject to
restrictions and/or limitations, therefore, under the protection of its
internal legal regulation and international jurisprudence, the State is
duly authorized to dictate the pertinent and necessary limiting
measures, if the case warrants it, always respecting and self-limiting -
as far as possible - not to violate fundamental rights.
In this sense, taking up the questions posed at the beginning of this
paper, it is possible to maintain that, as has been pointed out, in
situations of national security, public order, public health or morals,
these will take precedence over the right to freedom of expression,
However, this does not imply that it becomes a rule of immediate
application, since it must be evaluated on a case-by-case basis whether
or not it is proportional to dictate a measure limiting the right to
freedom of expression.
However, such a conclusion is preceded -perhaps- by a sort of
balancing test, since we have given greater value to collective
constitutional purposes such as national security, public order or
public health or morals, and we have sacrificed the individual right to
freedom of expression, and it is more than necessary to make such a
value differentiation because the idea that prevails in them is that of
the common good over individual interests; such an assessment may
be mistaken, but it is the one that comes closest to that of a state in
which respect for democratic values and the constitutional goods that
underlie them prevail, but which are equally protected.
At this point, first of all, let us recall the journalistic facts from which
the analysis of this work arose, in which a presidential candidate
questioned the effectiveness of one of the types of vaccine against
Covid19 that have been applied to the Peruvian population; However,
it is clear that the questioning is directed towards the government's
treatment of public health, but not the effectiveness of the vaccine,
therefore, it is this situation - the purpose of the statement - which
should be the object of the examination of weighting with respect to
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the freedom of expression that the speaker fully enjoys, that although
his expression must be free, as we have already seen, it can be
restricted if it contravenes the purposes of a constitutional state of law,
in which public order, peace and social tranquility must be guaranteed.
Secondly, it is clear that the expression "11% is like putting on water",
to some extent is not such an apocalyptic or frightening phrase, but we
must keep in mind the context in which it has been outlined, since we
are not in any circumstance, but that of a pandemic, which has already
left more than 2.5 million families mourned by deaths around the
world, In which anxiety and despair have become the only emotions in
an environment of desolation and misfortune, therefore, no matter
how simple the expression may sound, people, and even more so any
aspirant to public office, should prudently limit their statements in
order to avoid social exacerbation, especially if they have no objective
means to corroborate them.
Finally, the argument that the aforementioned phrases are the result
of personal appraisals of a person who does not hold a public office or
any authority, and that his criticisms are made as any other person, is
inconsistent with the discourse of a candidate who seeks to occupy a
place in the public administration, and the values to which he will be
bound once elected, Although he does not yet hold an office, his
opinions, upon leaving his personal sphere and entering the public
sphere, become of legitimate interest to society and, like any other, are
subject to criticism and control.
To all of the above, it should be added that it is more than necessary to
recognize the preponderant role of the media in an electoral process,
given that it not only participates as an instrument of mass
dissemination of political information, but also as a tool of control and
filter of each of the data that is disseminated through them, Therefore,
as an active participant in a democratic contest, it must in the first
place - and as far as possible - watch over the authenticity and veracity
of the information exposed to the public, especially if on this, society
will form its political convictions for the scrutiny and election of its
new representatives.
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