https://doi.org/10.37955/cs.v7i3.320
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eISSN: 2600-5743
The Positivization of the arbitrary
use of freedom of expression in
social networks in Ecuador; a
constitutional perspective
La Positivización del uso arbitrario de libertad de
expresión en redes sociales en el Ecuador; una
perspectiva constitucional
Carlos Luis Barrios Cornejo
MSc. Universidad Politecnica Salesiana del Ecuador
https://orcid.org/0009-0005-8403-1166
carlos.barrioscornejo6043@upse.edu.ec
Tanya Roxana Torres Castillo
MSc. Universidad Politecnica Salesiana del Ecuador
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1351-6159
Tanyatorres@upse.edu.ec
ABSTRACT
Social media allow the materialization of the exercise of freedom of
expression, for this reason, their operating conditions must be
adequate to the requirements of such freedom. This article analyzes
the positivization of the arbitrary use of freedom of expression in social
networks in Ecuador; from a constitutional perspective. It is a study
with a qualitative approach, non-experimental design, transectional,
with an analytical level, whose research and data collection techniques
are purely documentary, based on information taken from books and
academic journals, as well as from the Constitution of the Republic of
Ecuador, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the Inter-
American Court of Human Rights. The results show that in Ecuador,
the right to freedom of expression is contained in the constitution as
one of the fundamental civil rights, however, there are no specific legal
norms that regulate the use of the networks; for which it is necessary
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to adapt to models that apply state or supra-state norms that positivize
inappropriate behaviors, as well as in paradigms of self-regulation
supported by private entities that grant a certain degree of regulatory
autonomy in the face of the arbitrary use of social networks.
RESUMEN
Los medios de comunicación social permiten la materialización del
ejercicio de la libertad de expresión, por tal razón, sus condiciones de
funcionamiento deben estar adecuados a los requerimientos de dicha
libertad. El presente artículo analiza la positivización del uso arbitrario
de libertad de expresión en redes sociales en el Ecuador; desde una
perspectiva constitucional. Se trata de un estudio con enfoque
cualitativo, de diseño no experimental, transeccional, con nivel
analítico, cuyas técnicas de investigación y de recolección de datos son
netamente documentales, basadas en información tomada de libros y
revistas académicas, así como de la Constitución de la República de
Ecuador, la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos, y de la Corte
Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. Los resultados muestran que
en Ecuador, el derecho a la libertad de expresión está contenido en la
constitución como uno de los derechos civiles fundamentales, no
obstante, no existen normas jurídicas específicas que regulen el uso de
las redes; para lo cual se hace necesario adecuarse a modelos que
aplican normas estatales o supraestatales que positivizan conductas
inapropiadas, así como, en paradigmas de autorregulación apoyados
por entes privados que otorgan cierto grado de autonomía regulatoria
ante el uso arbitrario de las redes sociales.
Keywords / Palabras clave
Fundamental rights, Positivization, Freedom of expression, Social
networks
Derechos fundamentales, Positivización, Libertad de expresión, Redes
sociales
Introduction
From a universal perspective, human rights are "a set of powers and
institutions that, at each historical moment, concretize the demands of
human dignity, freedom and equality, which must be positively
recognized by legal systems at the national and international level"
(Pérez, 2003, p. 48). This definition aims to combine the two major
dimensions that make up the general notion of human rights, i.e., the
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naturalistic requirement regarding their foundation and the
techniques of positivization and protection that give the measure of
their exercise.
Speaking about human rights, in Mexico, for example, for the State to
recognize human rights in a literal way, it was necessary for them to be
embodied in a normative provision, being the ideal one, the Magna
Carta; therefore, it is required that human rights are legislated to be
recognized, as established in the Political Constitution of the United
Mexican States (2013), "In the United Mexican States all persons shall
enjoy the human rights recognized in this Constitution and in the
International Treaties to which the Mexican State is a party" (Art. 1).
With this understanding, it is understood that one cannot enjoy more
human rights than those exclusively legislated or those contained in
international treaties, this being positivization.
The state constitution also states that "all authorities, within the scope
of their competencies, have the obligation to promote, respect, protect
and guarantee human rights in accordance with the principles of
universality, interdependence, indivisibility and progressiveness."
(Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, 2013)
Consequently, the State shall prevent, investigate, punish and redress
human rights violations, in the terms established by law, that is to say
only what the law allows it, but that the statement that it is within the
scope of its competences.
Thus, by contemplating human rights within the legal norms, there is
a great advantage, and that is that the authority initially has the power
to recognize, secondly, to respect, thirdly, to guarantee, and finally to
restore human rights, as far as possible, in the event that there is a
violation of the same.
On the other hand, the legal norm has four spheres of validity; the
spatial, which indicates the place where the norm will be applied; the
temporal, which indicates the time of validity of the norm; the
personal, which refers to the subjects to whom the legal norm is
addressed; and finally the material, which indicates the purpose or
motive of the norm. These spheres apply to the human rights
embodied in the legal norm; being the spatial the national territory;
the temporal, the validity or indefinite time of the legal norms; the
personal, the human being who possesses the category of person; and
the material, the recognition, respect, protection and restitution of the
dignity of the person (Mendoza, 2014).
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Over the course of time, the idea has been held that any description of
the historical course of freedom of expression cannot disregard the
evolution of the technical means of social communication. To such an
extent that the history of human beings, linked to freedom of
expression, is equivalent to the history of the technical means they use
for the purpose of social communication.
After the Second World War, the constitutionalist movement
continued its expansion which, in many cases, was frustrated by the
intolerance and vigor of the totalitarian doctrines imposed on the
nations of Central and Eastern Europe, several in Africa and Asia and
some in America. But this confrontation between constitutionalism
and totalitarian doctrines is simply the demonstration of a constant in
the history of human life, which is the struggle for freedom. (Merlo,
2005)
Radio broadcasting, satellite television transmissions and computer
networks were vehicles that broke down the authoritarian barriers that
kept millions of people in ignorance. The diffusion of human thought
through modern technical means of social communication made
impossible the subsistence of a regime based on terror and the
systematic denial of the most elementary freedoms that permeate the
nature of the human being. (Merlo, 2005)
In a particular context, within the rights of freedom enshrined in the
Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador, there is the human right to
give opinions and express oneself freely, in its different
manifestations. Said rights, being guaranteed and protected by the
constitutional norm of the State, become imprescriptible rights where
the course of time does not extinguish their preservation; and
inalienable or susceptible to transaction.
Therefore, human rights are inherent to the individual and are
intrinsic; which allows inferring that they are not the creation of the
law or of the human being himself. However, for the effective
enjoyment of these rights, it is necessary that they are positivized in
order to avoid their violation, or, in the event that they are
transgressed, to apply their respective sanction and reparation. This is
the reason why human rights are enshrined in international
instruments that guarantee their protection.
Based on the above, this article analyzes the positivization of the
arbitrary use of freedom of expression in social networks in Ecuador
from a constitutional perspective; in which theoretical aspects are
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described on freedom of expression delimited in Ecuador and
constitutionally addressed; on the positivization of the arbitrary use of
the right to freedom of expression and human rights in Ecuador; as
well as on the arbitrary use of freedom of expression in social
networks.
Materials and Methods
The present research has a qualitative approach, with a non-
experimental design, and is descriptive; its research method is
inductive reasoning, in which the truth of the premises supports the
conclusion, however, they do not guarantee its truth. The study has an
exegetical posture, using legal arguments and considering the real
meaning of the words used to draft the constitution, laws or norms, to
then interpret them, without altering what is already expressed; in
addition, the technique of grammatical, teleological, analogical or
extensive interpretation has also been used, at the time of explaining
the legal norm.
In this article, a bibliographic research was conducted by compiling
information from books, articles and legal documents on human rights
and the positivization of the arbitrary use of freedom of expression. In
order to deepen and analyze the research problem, we also resorted to
the use of constitutional, legal and jurisprudential texts; specifically
using information provided by the Constitution of the Republic of
Ecuador (2008), the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and
information from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.
Theoretical aspects of freedom of expression
Freedom represents the attribute of the person, and law is the
procedure established in the positive legal norm to make such freedom
effective within the social sphere. Based on this, it can be said that
freedom is a right, insofar as it is legitimately regulated and legally
framed within a norm. It is worth noting that there are many types of
freedom, among which the right of expression is worth highlighting.
Freedom of expression is considered a fundamental human right. This
conception values freedom of expression as a fundamental right of the
person, closely linked to his or her dignity. Thus conceived, freedom of
expression is valuable in itself, as an inseparable component of the
spirituality of the person, and for "reasons that have nothing to do with
the collective search for truth, with the process of self-government, or
with any conceptualization of the common good. (Pizarro, 1999)
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Freedom of expression is also considered as an instrument that allows
to achieve beneficial effects for the community, for this reason, it
receives special protection within the legal esteem. It makes available
a superlative value, not because the person has an intrinsic right to say
whatever he wants, but because by allowing such expression beneficial
effects are achieved for the rest of the community. (Pizarro, 1999)
Third, freedom of expression is considered an essential and
constitutive component of political society. According to this view,
freedom of expression is valuable and deserving of special protection,
not because the consequences it has at the individual or community
level are positive, as was advocated by previous currents, but because
it is an essential and constitutive characteristic of any self-governing
society. (Pizarro, 1999)
In short, there are different ways of perceiving freedom of expression.
As can be seen, it is considered a fundamental right of human beings
linked to their dignity; an instrument that makes it possible to bring
benefits to the community; and an essential and constitutive
component of the political society that governs itself. All these
perceptions of freedom of expression touch on the social and
community aspects of freedom, framing it within a democratic
structure.
From the perspective of García and Gonza (2007), within a democratic
society, the greatest possibilities are guaranteed for the circulation of
news, ideas and opinions, as well as the broadest access to information
by society as a whole. Therefore, freedom of expression is clearly
inserted in the primary and radical public order of democracy.
The Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador (2008) establishes as a
civil right, the right to freedom of opinion and expression of thought
through any means of communication, indicating, in addition, that the
person who is affected by statements without evidence, inaccurate or
that aggravate his honor, shall have the right to a rectification of what
was said as soon as possible. Likewise, it contemplates the right to
communication and to create social communication media and to
access radio and television frequencies.
In the same vein, the right to freedom of expression is also protected
by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), which states
that "Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this
right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to
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seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and
regardless of frontiers" (Art. 19).
In addition, when referring to Art. 17 of the Organic Law of
Communication, (LOC, 2013) it is understood that everyone has the
right to freedom of thought and expression; a human right that
includes the freedom to seek, receive and disseminate information,
orally, in writing, in print or in art, or by any other means, without
being disturbed because of their opinions.
It can be summarized, then, that both the Constitution of the Republic,
the Organic Law of Communication and the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights speak of freedom of opinion and expression as a right
of human beings to give their opinion, to express themselves and not
to be disturbed because of their opinions. In addition, under a
regulatory framework, they place special emphasis on the various
forms that exist to disseminate information, to communicate and give
opinions, and how these should be respected and protected.
Freedom of expression from a constitutional perspective
The fact that a person has a right means that there is something that
the individual can enjoy and that the power of the State recognizes it
and grants its protection. (Von Ihering, 1978). Such a right, once
contemplated in the norms of the Constitution, becomes a right
situated within the public system of legal relations. It should be noted
that the strength of human rights as a subjective public right comes
from the recognition of the state normative system, i.e., the
constitutional one. (Sar, 2012)
Human rights have a place in the Constitutions of the States, so that
they have gone from being simple programmatic statements to
pronouncements that are incorporated into the fundamental legal
norm of each nation. In addition to this, the emphatic tone that has
been used when issuing classic declarations also disappears, which has
been replaced by a shorter and more technical legal language. (Sar,
2012)
It is a matter of recognizing people's possession of rights that are
determined and protected by the guarantees established by the
Constitution. The fact that human rights are contained in a declaration
that forms part of the constitution gives them the highest hierarchy in
the normative order of a nation, since it is this supreme constitution
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that heads the legal system, leaving the rest of the infra-constitutional
regulations subordinate to it. (Sar, 2012)
State constitutions expressly recognize the rights of a person and of
society, identified at the constitutional level as "fundamental rights".
However, mere recognition is not sufficient for such rights to be
respected, primarily by the powers of the State; therefore, it is essential
that guarantees be established within the constitutional text to ensure
compliance with the rights. This means that, if a right is violated, there
are means or guarantees available to the aggrieved party that allow
him to reestablish the exercise of his right. Therefore, current
constitutionalism is characterized by protecting rights from any
violation or threat of violation, regardless of whether it comes from
public or private powers. (Chiriboga & Salgado, 1995).
Based on the foregoing, legal freedom is that which determines the
normative attributes of a person and confers on him the instruments,
which are the subjective rights, for the exercise of that freedom in his
relations with other persons and with the global political organization.
Thus, legal freedom is an attribute that distinguishes the individual
and is expressed in his power to demand a certain behavior from the
State and other individuals through the exercise of subjective rights.
The sphere of individual autonomy, freedom and the power to make it
effective is the right to freedom. (Badeni, 2002)
In any politically organized society, freedom is limited by the order it
establishes. However, in a constitutional democratic system,
according to (Badeni, 2002)that these limitations to freedom must be
reasonable, responding to the need to safeguard individual interests
and the interests of the community. That is why limitations to freedom
cannot lead to its total disregard, and its regulations must be subject
to a restrictive interpretation.
Absolute freedoms do not exist in the constitutional order. Not even
the freedom to live, institutionalized in the right to life, is absolute. All
individual freedoms, even if they involve the recognition of natural
human liberties, as well as all social freedoms established by law, are
subject to regulations which, as such, are reasonable restrictions
imposed to harmonize individual interests and satisfy the common
good that motivates the creation of the global political organization.
(Badeni, 2002)
In view of the above, it can be said that there are no fundamental rights
without a Constitution; and it is precisely in the Declaration of Human
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Rights where we begin to speak of fundamental rights, when in Art. 16
it is established that: "Any society in which the guarantee of rights is
not established, nor the separation of powers determined, lacks a
Constitution".
Therefore, as the Constitution is the law of the State with the highest
rank, the rights that are positivized in the Constitution as supreme law,
represent rights with the highest hierarchy, so they require greater
guarantee and protection. In Ecuador, the constitution mentions
several types of fundamental rights, among which are civil rights;
listed as a constitutional right the freedom of opinion and expression
of thought. This type of rights are part of the system positivized by the
Constitution, so they constitute the material basis of the legal system
of Ecuador.
Results
When speaking of positivization, reference is made to positivize, which
means 'to give positive character to something'. (Real Academia
Española, 2022) So it is not the same to speak of positivizing as
positivizing, since the former means 'to obtain the positive of a
photographic image', a term that is not appropriate to use instead of
positivizing, which, as already mentioned, means 'to give a positive
character'. In the field of human rights, one cannot enjoy more human
rights than those exclusively legislated or those contained in
international treaties, this is what is known as positivization.
Human rights are rights inherent to the individual, so they are not
created either by a person or by a law. However, in order to effectively
enjoy such rights, they must be positivized, avoiding their violation,
and in case of being transgressed, they can be sanctioned and repaired.
For this reason, human rights are contemplated in international
instruments that seek to protect them internationally.
Fundamental rights are "all those subjective rights that correspond
universally to all human beings as endowed with the status of persons,
citizens or persons with capacity to act"; the way to positivize these
rights so that they are subjective right "any positive expectation
ascribed to a subject by a legal norm" is by using treaties and
conventions that with the characteristic of international aim to achieve
the feature of universality. (Mendoza, 2014)
Fundamental rights represent essential and permanent qualities or
values of the human being, object of legal protection; that is, they are
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those rights that are duly recognized and guaranteed by the Political
Constitution of the State, i.e., the highest level of all normative
hierarchy of a Nation. According to Noguera (2009), fundamental
rights are supreme values of the human being recognized and
guaranteed in the constitution, which enshrines them as such; this
means that they are rights that respond to the legal system of each
country.
Human rights, on the other hand, are positivized in international
conventions and declarations, therefore, their definition has a broader
and more imprecise content than that of fundamental rights;
therefore, the expression "human rights" alludes to the demands
associated with values such as dignity, freedom and equality of the
human being, which have not achieved positive recognition.
(Chiriboga & Salgado, 1995).
In this sense, although fundamental rights are constitutional human
rights, not all human rights are fundamental. This is mentioned by
Aguilar (2010), when he says that, especially in Latin America, the
constitutional doctrine makes a distinction between human and
fundamental rights, arguing that only those rights that are recognized
as such by the Constitution should be considered fundamental rights.
The foregoing leads to infer that there is a distinction between the
rights of the human being; giving the qualification of fundamental to
those rights whose importance is to be emphasized in comparison with
others; that is to say, qualifying some rights as fundamental is due to
the character of relevance that is desired to be granted to the interests
they protect; constituting the basis of the rest of the rights of the legal
system.
The positivization of human rights, leads the rulers to recognize the
human rights of the governed, establishing clearly and precisely the
limits of the powers of the former, although this recognition, through
legal norms, contrasts with some features that distinguish the
aforementioned rights, which the governed have against the rulers, so
you can highlight the cons of this positivization, and put them on a
scale with the pros, and conclude whether it is the most convenient
(Mendoza, 2014).
It would also have to be questioned what would be done in the event
that any right not recognized by the legal system is violated, what
means of defense are available in such an event, what sanctions would
be applied, and what sanctions would surely be applied, and it would
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surely be necessary to resort to international bodies on the matter,
previously exhausting all the remedies of the national human rights
protection systems. It could be argued in favor of positivization that
human rights are an unfinished process in permanent transformation,
hence the characteristic that they are progressive. (Mendoza, 2014).
Proof of this is the constant emergence of new values and principles,
such as the Universal Declaration of Emerging Human Rights, a
declaration that aims to: "contribute to the design of a new horizon of
rights that will serve as a guide for the social and cultural movements
of collectivities and peoples and, at the same time, be inscribed in
contemporary societies, institutions, public policies and the agendas
of those in power, in order to promote and foster a new relationship
between global civil society and power" (United Nations, 2004).
(United Nations, 2004)
As well as, the recognition of those human rights that we have and that
have not been embodied in legal norms. It is up to everyone to ensure
that this positivization is constantly improved through the legislation
of new rights, respect for the dignity of the person by those who govern
and those who are governed, and the demand for the rights of the
human being.
In another order of ideas, human rights have a very particular
characteristic that distinguishes them, and it is the fact that they are
universal, this means, at a global level, that human rights have them
and are present in all people, regardless of their race, color, nationality,
religion, language, social stratum, ideology, among others. However,
this characteristic reflects the conflict that rights are held by all human
beings, while those recognized in the legal norms of a country only
have application within a specific national territory; in addition, some
of these rights generate confusion. These situations lead to the
identification of the risks of the positivization of human rights.
Positivization of human rights. Ecuadorian case
Since many years ago, Ecuador has signed and ratified several
international covenants, conventions and declarations on human
rights. According to Chiriboga & Salgado (1995), by accepting such
international instruments, Ecuador, through its governments as
intermediaries, has formally committed itself to respect human rights
and promote conditions for the enjoyment and exercise of human
rights, so that there are no obstacles to the guarantee of rights.
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It should be noted that these instruments, once formally ratified by the
States, are incorporated into national legislation, becoming legally
binding, in the same way as the domestic legislation of each State. As
a result, Ecuador is obliged to comply with international regulations,
and in the event that such regulations are violated or its duties are not
fulfilled, procedures are foreseen that may even entail sanctions,
within the limitations of International Public Law.
The Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador (2008) recognizes and
guarantees people the right to express their opinions and thoughts
freely and in all its manifestations. The term freely implies that under
no circumstances should the exercise of the fundamental right in
question be restricted or limited.
In relation to the above, it should be noted that, although it is not
possible to restrict the right to express oneself freely, if the dignity,
honor or other right of another person is violated, one must respond
for such violation of the right; this implies that only after exercising
the right to freedom of expression, the sanction is allowed.
(Bustamante, 2019)
At this point, it is important to talk about the normative hierarchy of
international instruments. In this regard, according to Chiriboga &
Salgado (1995), there are several positions. One of the most widely
accepted is the one that considers that the precepts contained in such
international instruments, which have already been ratified by the
State, have the same value as the Constitution; a situation that is
confirmed by observing that the international norms accepted by the
State cannot be modified or contradicted by legislation, unless the
international instrument is previously abandoned.
Another position on the normative hierarchy of international
instruments is that the international precepts ratified by the State are
norms of lower rank than the Constitution; but they have a hierarchical
level above domestic laws, thus explaining that national legislation
observes international norms and enforces them without
contradicting them (Chiriboga & Salgado, 1995). (Chiriboga & Salgado,
1995)..
In addition to the above, the Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador
(2008), states in Article 57, that the State shall guarantee the
application of collective human rights without any discrimination
whatsoever, under conditions of equality and equity between women
and men. According to the aforementioned Constitution, the rights
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and guarantees determined in the Constitution and in international
instruments shall be applicable by and before any judge, court or
authority; however, no authority has the power to demand conditions
or requirements that are not established in the Constitution or in the
laws, for the exercise of rights.
The fact that at the constitutional level it is established that any
authority has the obligation to apply rights and guarantees, gives way
to the recognition of rights that are not embodied in the Constitution
or in international instruments; however, there is a restriction on the
authority to promote, respect, protect and guarantee rights, since it
must do so within the scope of its competence, that is, not beyond what
the law allows; similarly, there are restrictions when it is indicated that
no authority has the power to demand conditions or requirements that
are not established in the Constitution or in the laws.
Freedom of expression in the digital era. An analysis of the legal
regulation of social networks.
Castells (2012) asserts that information and communication
technologies and the digital network are a possible condition for
individuals to exercise their freedom in the network society. The
author adds that the Internet is providing the organizational
communication platform to translate the culture of freedom and
autonomy. Therefore, Internet technology represents a culture of
freedom.
From the social point of view, and according to Acázar (2016), social
networks are positive control structures. For example, prisoners can
voluntarily access and integrate themselves into the various social
networks, freely pouring their data into Big Data repositories and
exhibiting themselves through images and interrelating through
conversations; achieving a kind of relative freedom, which leaves
somehow inoperative the central and disciplinary subjectivity that
guarded the prison architecture. In this way, an abandonment of the
negativity of isolation and isolation arises, promoting communication
between people, within the framework of human rights.
However, Alcázar (2016) explains that the positivity about the
phenomenon of the digital network of the globalized world does not
seem to do justice to the spaces, processes, agents and actions that
comprise it. In this regard, recent history suggests that the digital
network based on new information and communication technologies,
as well as their growing socialization, have given rise to areas, agents
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and actions that are quite difficult to characterize under concepts and
models that are exclusively positive.
So, although positivity is a phenomenon of high dominance, the nature
of information and communication technologies and the internet have
allowed new spaces and communicational resources for individuals
and groups of people in search of social transformations. Therefore,
positivity does not possess a fullness with knowledge of all possible
and real things that exist, since it continues to encounter resistances
and obstacles that are adequate to the constitutive properties of
technological and scientific means.
In addition to the above, the current use of information and
communication technologies and the Internet can be interpreted in
two different ways (Alcázar, 2016), on the one hand, as instruments of
social domination and effective control, and on the other, as
procedural devices that lead to emancipation, that is, to autonomy,
power, sovereignty, dignity, and, above all, freedom.
Social networks, although they represent a right of expression that
intensifies communication and interaction between people, have also
led governments to question the adequacy of the regulation applied to
the Internet, and very specifically to social networks, due to the
arbitrary nature of their use, the risks and threats to their users. Thus,
the norms and regulations are insufficient compared to the diversity of
activities that are carried out through them, making this a real legal
challenge for both national and international law.
In this sense, social networks have created a new interactive reality
with challenges for the law on the scope of sovereignty and state
jurisdiction, in such a way that, in the face of any conflict presented in
virtual social networks, the question may arise as to which law should
be applied or who knows about the case. The answer to these questions
is not clear, since, in the virtual environment, the State loses the scope
of its jurisdiction and, therefore, of its regulation. Added to this are the
conflicts arising in social networks that generate criminal, commercial
and civil disputes, among others. (Arévalo, Navarro, García, & Casas,
2011).. In this regard, it can be inferred that, in some States, there is
currently an isolated regulatory norm that is just beginning to manifest
itself.
It is worth mentioning that some Latin American countries have
created laws to try to regulate crimes and harmful actions arising from
the use of the Internet, such is the case, according to Arévalo et al
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(2011), of Argentina with a law for the protection of copyright through
the Internet, and others that regulate Internet providers; Brazil, with
the law that regulates Internet service providers and protects
copyrights; Colombia, with the law for the protection of information
and data; Mexico, with the federal law focused on the protection of
personal data and information security; and Venezuela, with the
enactment of the law on social responsibility in radio and television,
which arose in response to the boom in the use of social networks and
harmful information on the Internet.
On the other hand, the current use of social networks in the midst of a
globalized world crosses borders, which makes the regulation of their
contents and the control of their arbitrary use something difficult to
establish and execute, due to the jurisdictional pluralism in which they
are developed and the legislative competence they face, when dealing
with actions or conducts that have legal implications. Based on the
above, it is important to mention that, due to the arbitrary use of social
networks, there are models for their regulation that have been
proposed and implemented around the world.
In the case of the European Union, a conservative model is established,
under a paradigm based on positivization, i.e., in the proposal of
mandatory rules, which contemplates the legal consequences of
harmful conduct in the use of the Internet. This European model of
regulation of the Internet and virtual social networks corresponds to a
system of positive regulation of a community nature, in which
supranational institutions with legislative functions create written
rules on the subject. (Arévalo, Navarro, García, & Casas, 2011).
In the case of the United States, the model of legal treatment of the
Internet and social networks is based on self-regulation, defined as a
model based on values that allows the flexibility demanded by the
medium and complemented by local legislation, allowing social and
economic positions of power to operate directly without any type of
legal control. However, there is another position on self-regulation,
which is that of strict legal control, where there is no room for the
imposition of unilateral conditions by the firm providing the virtual
service. (Oliver, 2003)
According to Oliver (2003), this second form of self-regulation is a
suitable device for managing jurisdictional risks and preventing state
agencies in charge of enforcing legislation from becoming saturated.
Therefore, self-regulation is constituted within a flexible paradigm,
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which adapts perfectly to social and market realities, minimizing, in
addition, direct judicial intervention, thus facilitating the immediate
resolution of disputes, conflicts and arbitrariness generated by social
networks and the Internet.
On the other hand, the Latin American case presents a mixed
regulatory model that includes elements of the European and
American models, whose original source of law is derived from the law
emanating from the legislative body, and from private entities with
their own regulatory mechanisms, without geographical jurisdiction,
which are responsible for establishing measures, recommendations,
and solutions to conflicts that may arise in the network, without State
intervention. (Arévalo, Navarro, García, & Casas, 2011).
Applying a mixed model of regulation of social networks in Latin
America implies applying state or supra-state norms that positivize
inappropriate behaviors that are frequently manifested in the digital
network, as well as self-regulation supported by private entities that
grant a certain degree of regulatory autonomy and that provoke an
idea of legal insecurity.
In summary, as far as the model of Latin American countries is
concerned, the provisions of the law emanating from the state
legislative body and the aforementioned private entities that propose
their own regulatory mechanisms, come together in order to regulate
general aspects of Internet access and specific aspects of the use of
virtual social networks, as well as the protection of users against those
harmful and dangerous behaviors resulting from the inappropriate
and arbitrary use of social networks.
Regarding the regulation of social networks, it can be summarized that
the Latin American model does not have a specific regulation, so it is
impossible to resort to regulatory standards for the use of the Internet
and social networks. Therefore, the aforementioned legal model does
not aim to create specific rules for the use of social networks, but rather
to adhere to international agreements, in which human rights are
positivized. The Latin American model of regulation for social
networks has already been adopted by some Latin American countries,
and this is precisely what Ecuador should do in the face of the arbitrary
use of social networks.
Conclusions
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The right to freedom of expression is one of the fundamental rights,
recognized in the constitution, and which is also mentioned in
international instruments for the protection of human rights. This
right is inherent to the human being and is enshrined in the
Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador as one of the rights of freedom,
so they are of immediate and direct application, without undermining
its exercise, because the law can punish discrimination, violation or
infringement.
The rise of interactive communication based on the Internet and new
technologies has given rise to virtual social networks. This virtual
interrelation has crossed borders, so that the law has been facing
numerous challenges associated with the territory and its sovereignty,
state jurisdiction, criminal, commercial and civil problems, among
others. This is the reason why regulatory frameworks seek to provide
solutions to such legal difficulties; however, legislative work has been
characterized as incipient; there are only international models for
regulating social networks, among which are the European, American
and Latin American models.
Specifically, the legal model of internet regulation in Latin America is
characterized by rules issued by the legislative body and derived from
private entities that propose possible solutions to conflicts arising
from the use of the network, when there is no state intervention. This
model is made up of a set of rules issued by the legislature that allow
the State to impose sanctions and provide protection to users, as well
as recommendations from private entities that regulate the use of the
Internet and social networks.
It is concluded that, in Ecuador, the right to freedom of expression is
contained in the constitution as one of the fundamental civil rights,
however, there are no specific legal norms that regulate the arbitrary
use of social networks; for which it is necessary to adapt to models
based on paradigms of positvization of rights, which apply state or
supra-state norms that positivize inappropriate behaviors, as well as
in paradigms of self-regulation supported by private entities that grant
a certain degree of regulatory autonomy in the face of the arbitrary use
of social networks.
Therefore, in order for the law to offer solutions to the legal problems
arising from the arbitrary use of social networks, criteria must be
unified at the international level and work towards the adoption of
models, legal instruments and codes of conduct that develop an
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effective framework of reference for the resolution of conflicts in social
networks, all regulated through international treaties and agreements.
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